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Persecution in Chin State Myanmar

Burmese soldiers are systematically using forced labor, torture and
rape to persecute majority-Christian residents of Chin state in
western Burma, according to a report released today.

Entitled, “Life Under the Junta: Evidence of Crimes Against Humanity
in Burma’s Chin State,” the report by Physicians for Human Rights
(PHR) documented “extraordinary levels of state violence” against the
Chin ethnic population in Burma, also called Myanmar.

Due to the influence of U.S. missionaries last century, the Chin are
estimated to be 90 percent Christian, and the study indicates that it
is therefore difficult to separate religious attacks from ethnic and
other human rights abuses. Persecution of Christians is reportedly
part of a wider campaign by the Burmese junta to create a uniform
society in which the only accepted religion is Buddhism, according a
2007 government memo circulated in Karen state giving instructions on
how to drive Christians out of the state.

Respondents who were specifically targeted for their Christian faith
and ethnicity said soldiers had threatened them with the destruction
of their homes or villages and threatened to harm or kill family
members. A total of 71 households from 13 of 90 villages and towns
surveyed also said government authorities had destroyed their local
church buildings.

The most brutal attacks included the forced conscription, abduction or
murder of children under the age of 15, and the rape of men, women and
children. Burmese soldiers, locally known as the Tatmadaw, also
confiscated food, livestock and other property and forced families to
grow the cash crop jatropha, used to produce biofuel, instead of food
crops required for basic survival. The study states that this caused
many Chin to flee across land borders to India or Bangladesh.

Burmese soldiers were responsible for 94.2 percent of all specifically
ethnic and religious incidents in the survey, supporting claims by
advocacy organizations such as Christian Solidarity Worldwide that the
military government is systematically working to “cleanse” Burma of
ethnic and religious minorities.

Government agents also placed votes for Chin residents during national
elections last November, warning them that soldiers in a nearby camp
were ready to arrest them if they complained, and ordered a church to
close after the pastor refused to wear a campaign T-shirt. (See
“Burmese Officials Order Closure of Chin Church,” Nov. 18, 2010.)

When asked why the Burmese army acted as it did, 15 percent of
respondents answered, “Because we are Christians.” Another 23 percent
replied, “To persecute us,” and a further 23 percent said, “Because we
are Chin.”

The report confirms evidence submitted to the United Nations for
Burma’s Universal Periodic Review, to take place in Geneva from Jan.
24 through Feb. 4, that holds the ruling military junta responsible
for widespread abuse of its citizens.

‘Crimes Against Humanity’
PHR and five partner organizations, including the Chin Human Rights
Organization (CHRO), used scientific methods to carry out the survey
in the early months of 2010, training 23 local surveyors to question a
random sample of 621 households across all nine townships in Chin
state. PHR identified the households only by survey number to protect
their identity.

Those interviewed reported a total of 2,951 incidents in the previous
12 months, of which 95 percent were carried out by the Tatmadaw, local
government officials, Burmese police or border security forces.

The report made a clear distinction between internationally recognized
“crimes against humanity” and general human rights violations. Of the
crimes against humanity, the most prevalent was forced labor for 91.9
percent of those surveyed, followed by ethnic-religious persecution at
14 percent. After these crimes came arbitrary arrest, detention or
imprisonment at 5.9 percent, abduction at 4.8 percent, torture at 3.8
percent, rape or other sexual violations at 2.8 percent, murder at 1
percent and miscellaneous abuses at 0.2 percent.

As for lesser human rights violations, 52.5 percent of households
surveyed reported livestock killed, 50.6 percent were forced to give
food, 42.8 percent forced to give money, 12.8 percent had property
attacked or destroyed, 11.2 percent had family members beaten and 9.1
percent had family members wounded from gunshots, explosions or deadly
weapons.

In many cases, people suffered from the full range of human rights violations.

Six households, or 1 percent of those surveyed, reported family
members killed by the Tatmadaw in 2009, with two households reporting
multiple family members killed, and two of the victims being under the
age of 15. Three of the six households believed they were specifically
targeted because of their ethnicity and Christian faith.

An elderly grandfather who spoke to PHR in March 2010 said he felt
depressed and helpless after a year when the Tatmadaw killed an
18-year-old family member and forced others in the family to build
roads, porter supplies and carry weapons, threatening to kill them if
they refused. The military also stole livestock, demanded food
supplies, and forced the family to grow a single crop rather than food
crops needed for basic survival.

“We dare not refuse the Tatmadaw, as even mothers with little children
are beaten,” one respondent said.

Burmese soldiers tortured more than one person in the family of a
46-year-old man, while local government authorities forced them to
relinquish livestock, food and money. Seventeen percent of torture
victims and 29 percent of rape victims were under the age of 15.

A 36-year-old father of five in Paletwa township said Burmese soldiers
had raped more than one member of his family at knifepoint within the
past year, arbitrarily detained another member of the household at
gunpoint, conscripted a family member into the army and burned down
the church that once stood in his village.

In a foreward to PHR’s report, Richard Goldstone, a PHR board member
and former U.N. chief prosecutor, and the Rev. Desmond Tutu of
Chairman of The Elders, an independent group of prominent global
leaders, urged that a U.N. commission of inquiry be established to
investigate reports of human rights violations in Burma.

“It is unconscionable that suffering as dire as that of the Chin
people under Burma’s dictatorship should be allowed to persist in
silence,” they wrote.

They also urged Burma’s immediate neighbors and trade partners to use
the occasion of Burma’s Universal Periodic Review to discuss the
violations committed in Chin state and elsewhere in Burma, and work
towards an alternative ‘roadmap’ to democracy for the Burmese people.

(WNN) NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar: On a cold January day in 2001, 18 year old Naang Yin (this name has been changed to protect her identity),
daughter of two shopkeepers in the Shan State of Burma, went to a
military camp set up by the Burmese troops to buy some basic
provisions at a cheaper price for her parents’ shop. She returned home
four days later. Imprisoned by eleven men of the Burmese army where
she was gang-raped at the camp and told to stay quiet.

This is just one of the testimonies of 173 incidents of rape and other
forms of sexual violence that were committed by Burmese military
troops in the Shan State from 1996 to 2001.

Burma/Myanmar has been rife with civil wars for over 60 years now. The
women of Burma, especially its ethnics, are often caught between the
lines of conflict. Military rape and sexual violence as a tactic in
intimidation to instill control and fear during regional conflicts is
occurring says international NGOs and experts.

“…the failure to investigate, prosecute and punish those responsible
for rape and sexual violence has contributed to an environment
conducive to the perpetuation of violence against women and girls in
Myanmar,” said Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro a former United Nations
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar (2006).

According to eye-witness reports, violations of human rights that
include severe violence against women is continuing inside the
country.

The Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT) revealed in an official
June 2011 report that “…at least eighteen women and girls have been
gang-raped between June 10-18, 2011, during the Burma Army advances on
Kachin Independence Army (KIA) territory along the China-Burma border.
Four women were killed after being raped, one in front of her husband,
who was tied up and forced to watch. Another woman died from her
injuries during rape.”

With exposure of the attack KWAT demanded an immediate end to the use
of sexual violence as a military tactic under conflict by the Burmese
army in their offensive against the KIA in northern Burma. “These
incidents are not random acts of violence,” said KWAT spokesperson
Shirley Seng. “The Burma Army is committing gang-rape and killing on a
wide scale. It is clear they are acting under orders.”

In May 2002, two non-governmental organizations, the Shan Human Rights
Foundation (SHRF) along with the Shan Women’s Action Network (SWAN),
released a detailed report titled: “License to Rape: The Burmese
military regime’s use of sexual violence in the ongoing war in Shan
State’.” The report highlights the use of rape as a weapon of war by
the Burmese troops in Shan State between 1996 and 2001. About 625
girls and women were victimized as part of such practices by the
Burmese army between this period.

Highlighting that the Myanmar/Burmese military regime has authorized
its troops to commit systematic rape across the areas of conflict in
order “to terrorize and subjugate the ethnic peoples of Shan State.”
Details in the report indicate that crimes of violence against women
are now becoming evident and show that a strategy of violence against
women by Burmese army troops may be part of the plan against
insurgents.

According to the report acts of rape as detailed were committed by
soldiers from 52 different battalions where military officers were
responsible for 83 percent of the rapes, often in front of their own
troops.

The report reveals: “The rapes involved extreme brutality and often
torture such as beating, mutilation and suffocation. 25 percent of the
rapes resulted in death, in some incidences with bodies being
deliberately displayed to local communities. 61% were gang-rapes;
women were raped within military bases, and in some cases women were
detained and raped repeatedly for periods of up to 4 months.”

“Out of the total 173 documented incidents, in only one case was a
perpetrator punished by his commanding officer. More commonly, the
complainants were fined, detained, tortured or even killed by the
military,” continues the report.

During this time the government of Myanmar did not admit to receiving
any complaints of any “crimes against humanity or war crimes.” This
official position is still being upheld by the government of Myanmar.

A September 2, 2010 an official letter by the Myanmar Office of the
Ministry of Home Affairs was sent to attorney and United Nations
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Mr.
Tomás Ojea Quintana. It stated, “Concerning allegations of committing
crimes against humanity and war crimes, there is no occurrence of such
crimes in Myanmar.”

“Given this position, the Special Rapporteur encourages the Government
to invite an international commission of inquiry on crimes against
humanity to confirm whether this is indeed the case,” followed
Quintana in his formal 2010 report before the UN General Assembly.
Birmanie ethnic girl near the border of Thailand in Burma/Myanmar

A rural village Birmanie girl in the Rangoon region of eastern
Burma/Myanmar near the border with Thailand, January 2011. In 2007,
high resolution images from satellite photographs gave evidence of the
destruction and burning of villages in 18 village locations inside and
near the border of Thailand after a reported set of military attacks
in the region on 22 April, 2007. Reported violence against ethnic
minority women from the Shan, Karen, and Karenni communities has
included reports of rape by military operatives. In 2002 the U.S.
Department of State condemned the Rangoon military’s use of “rape as a
weapon” after reports gave details in an alleged 173 attacks on 625
girls and women. 83% of these incidents are said to have been
committed by officers in the Burmese army, often in front of their
troops. Image 2011: Diane Tell

History of conflict in Burma

After the British colonial rule in Burma ended on January 4, 1948, the
south Asian country became an independent republic. But in 1962, the
democratic rule ended when General Ne Win led a military coup d’etat
bringing the Burma Socialist Programme Party into power. During the
period, General Ne Win nationalized all aspects of society as he
instituted elections through a ‘one-party only’ system.

After pro-democratic demonstrations in 1988, open election campaigns
were allowed to begin in 1990. The party of 1991 Nobel Peace Laureate
and human rights activist Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s NLD – National
League for Democracy, declared that they won a majority of
parliamentary seats on the election.

“Despite the repression faced by opposition parties during the
campaign period, in the May 1990 elections the NLD won an overwhelming
victory. A total of 13 million valid votes were cast out of nearly 21
million eligible voters. The NLD won over 80 percent of the seats (392
out of 485 parliamentary seats) and 60 percent of the popular vote.
The second largest opposition party, the ethnic-based Shan
Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), won 23 seats. The
SLORC-backed National Unity Party won just 10 seats and just over 2
percent of the vote.,” said Human Rights Watch in April 2008.

After election results were reported, the military junta under General
Saw Muang annulled the election. Following this Suu Kyi was placed
under house arrest – a time which extended for over fifteen years. Su
Kyi was finally fully released November 13, 2010.

Entering into arrangements following the 1989 election campaign,
Burma/Myanmar’s government entered into ceasefire agreements with 17
ethnic groups between 1989-1997. Recently in 2009, tensions were
brought to a critical point when Myanmar’s Army, and later the
civilian wing of the government, required ethnic groups in numerous
regions to become members of Myanmar’s Border Guard Force.

Under increasing pressure the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)
refused to join the Border Guard Force. During this time Myanmar
government troops attacked the military wing of the KIO, called the
KIA – Kachin Independence Army, at the Sang Gang post in N’mawk
(Momauk) Township in the eastern region of the Kachin State.

Since 2009 tensions and violence inside the nation has continued and
increased exponentially. Women in the region have been especially
vulnerable to the violence as victims in strategic military campaigns.
In July 2011, a partial ceasefire was initiated by the KIA but
negotiations broke down as any possibility for a ceasefire was
discontinued.

Contributing to the regional conflicts, a Chinese-funded hydropower
project has entered the region. The Northern Shan State is now
considered a ‘territory of strategic importance’ for the Myanmar
government. This means the possibility of major Chinese investments
inside the region which include possible projects such as hydropower
dams along with trans-national gas and oil pipelines may be part of
the nation’s higher priorities.

Photo by Nicole Wolf for New Reality International
Read more: http://www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2011/06/29/Fewer-people-live-in-poverty-but-more-are-hungry-UN-says/UPIU-8571308750025/#ixzz1QnSxJ4CK

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Heather Murdock | Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo

Voice of America 

In Eastern Congo, rape can be an act of war or revenge, or a response to extreme poverty, ignorance and fear.

A new study published by the American Journal of Public Health indicates that nearly 2 million women in the Democratic Republic of Congo have been raped. Many rapes are a part of military operations, designed to terrorize and control the population. Rates of domestic rape and rape by civilians, however, appear to be growing rapidly in the DRC.

This child was born a week and a half ago, almost nine months after his 14-year-old mother was raped. When asked why the soldier living in her house raped her, Amina shook her head and said she had no idea.

Dr. Guylain Mvuama, who heads the worn hospital where Amina had her baby said the main reason rural Congolese women are such frequent victims of rape is simple. It is part of the war.

Mvuama said armed groups raid and loot villages, raping women, children and sometimes babies or men to control the people though terror.  The doctor says deep in the bush, what better way is there to keep everyone subdued, than to rape every man’s mother, sister or wife?

But in the regular Congolese Army, rape is considered a crime, with the first-ever high-ranking officer sentenced to 20 years in jail in February. The following month, 11 other officers were convicted, all given at least the maximum sentence of 20 years for rape. Activists and army officers say the prosecutions appear to have reduced the incidents of rape considerably, but rape is still common.

Congolese Army Colonel Seraphin Mirindi is formerly an officer in one of the country’s many armed militias that now are attempting to merge into the regular army as per a 2008 power-sharing agreement. Mirindi said soldiers still rape as a direct result of extreme poverty.  Between low pay, and corruption among commanders, soldiers take home between $17 and $55 a month.

About 30 percent of soldiers desert their posts, he said, and since they receive hardy any salaries, they also are immune from punishment when they leave. Most deserters, he said, also take their gun with them when they go.

Mirindi said with almost no money, soldiers and deserters are tempted to rape because they are isolated deep in the forest, and cannot afford wives or prostitutes. He works with international organizations like Human Rights Watch, the United Nations and the Red Cross to educate soldiers about the dangers of rape for them and the victims. And while he said education is effective, he thinks higher salaries would be more useful in reducing the number of rapes.

Attorney and victim’s rights activist Gilbert Kasereka said that while soldiers do rape because they are isolated, poor or as part of an attack, many rapes also occur in Congo for more unusual reasons. With the absence of regular, informed medical care, many people believe they can gain power or good health by raping the young.

Kasereka said some people believe military prowess can be derived from raping a teenager or someone who is an ethnic minority, like Congolese Pygmies. Others believe the rape of a baby will cure AIDs.

Rape in Congo also is increasingly common at home. Last year, a study commissioned by Oxfam showed that incidents of domestic rape grew 17-fold between 2004 and 2008. In the June issue of the American Journal of Public Health, researchers recommended that future programs against sexual violence in Congo focus on “abuse within families,” in addition to ending impunity for rapists and improving security in the countryside.

But for some activists, no programs will be completely effective without ending the conflict for good. They say as long as much of Eastern Congo continues to be overrun with militias fighting each other and the government, and battling for control of what is believed to be $24 trillion worth of mineral wealth under the ground, sexual violence will continue to be a fact of life.

The president of the civil society in the eastern province of North Kivu, Jason Luneno Maene, said neither the government, nor NGOs can provide educational anti-rape programs to rebel militias who live beyond the reach of Congolese law. Even in government-controlled areas, he said, rapists often are caught and then released a few days later.

But Luneno said the recent convictions of Congolese Army soldiers and officers could affect the rest of society. If the army stops raping, he said, civilians may follow their lead.

In a hospital in Goma, 50-year-old Mawazo, a rape victim and mother of 10, said that national laws have no impact in her village.

Mawazo says rebel soldiers live near her village, and they raped her while she was searching for food for her youngest children.  She says she is safe inside the hospital in the city, but she can never go home.  If they catch her again in the forest alone, she says, she will be raped again, and this time she may not survive.

Photo by Kevin Carter: Sudanese Child